PITTSBURGH'S HOMESTEAD GRAYS: A TRIUMPH OF TALENT OVER SEGREGATION

Erinn Evans '00
While the Civil War finally ended America’s long and painful struggle with slavery, it did not eliminate the underlying 
racism of American attitudes. The Civil War freed the slaves with the Thirteenth Amendment, but it did not define the role or position of the freed slave in the post-war community. Because of this ambiguity, segregation developed in the North and South where separate institutions and facilities defined everyday life from the 1890s until the 1960s. Segregation affected every institution, even baseball, America’s favorite pastime. Segregated black teams, such as Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania’s Homestead Grays, were subject to discrimination and were forced to play at a disadvantage. Ironically, it was segregation that gave the Negro Leagues their unique identity, and the players were able to use this identity in a positive way. The Negro Leagues played an important role in the black community; they brought self-confidence and pride as they produced some of the best baseball players of all time. The Negro Leagues also provided role models for young black males, and created management opportunities for black entrepreneurs. Therefore, while segregation placed the Homestead Grays at a disadvantage and subjected the African-American players to racism, at the same time, this team was a positive force in the lives of many in the African-American community in Pittsburgh. 

America’s passion for baseball dates from at least 1839 in Cooperstown, New York when the game was supposedly created by Abner Doubleday.1 The person credited with organizing the game with its modern rules was Alexander J. Cartright.2 No one person, however, can be credited with the creation of baseball because the sport actually developed from the British game, “rounders.”3 Then in the 1840s, organized play began,4 and after 1871, professional baseball leagues began to form in the United States.5 

After the Civil War, segregated worlds developed in the North and South. Jim Crow laws were passed in the South to separate blacks and whites on buses, in theatres, at drinking fountains, and even in sports like baseball.6 Laws just confirmed what was already happening in practice,and in 1896, the United States Supreme Court decision in Plessy v. Ferguson determined that segregation was legal if facilities and conditions were “separate but equal.”7 This was to have a far-reaching effect in towns and cities everywhere in the U.S. In a city like Pittsburgh, no Jim Crow laws required the creation of segregated baseball teams. Plessy v. Ferguson did, however, create a climate in the United States that allowed the practice of segregation to occur everywhere.8 “In the North, exclusion was not so much the result of legislation as a set of de facto practices...”9 and the effect of these practices was that “[b]y 1900, no blacks were playing on white teams.…”10 After 1900, for example, black ballplayers sometimes tried to join white teams under false pretences. In 1901, the manager of the Baltimore Orioles announced he was going to sign a Cherokee Indian, Charlie Grant, to play second base. When the League discovered that he was black, he was not allowed to play any more.11 

As a result of segregation all over the U.S. by the turn of the century, blacks began to form their own baseball teams.12 In fact, one of the best new teams was the Homestead Grays in Pittsburgh.13 The Grays, like many black teams at that time, began playing in sandlots as local or company teams.14 What was remarkable about the Negro teams in Pittsburgh is that black entrepreneurs such as Cumberland “Cum” Posey owned them. After going  to college at Duquesne University and Penn State,15 Posey joined the Grays in 1911 as an outfielder.16 By the early 1920s, Posey owned the team.17 “His contribution to the Grays was twofold: he put the best possible team on the field, and he made the team into a profitable business venture.”18 Posey built his accomplished team from a group of skilled sandlot ballplayers in Pittsburgh. By 1931, the Grays were the strongest black league team and won 136 games and only lost 10!19 

“Baseball offered African-Americans a chance to display their competence and grace at a time when much else was denied them in American life.”20 In fact, there were some truly extraordinary players on the two Pittsburgh teams in the Negro Leagues, the Homestead Grays and the Crawfords, in the 1930s and 1940s. “Pittsburgh was the center of black baseball.”21 When Negro baseball was at its height, three black ballplayers stood out among the best ballplayers of all time. These three men were Josh Gibson, Satchel Paige, and “Cool Papa” Bell. Named the black Babe Ruth, power hitter Josh Gibson hit over 900 homeruns during his career, some of which were well over 500 feet. He had a batting average of over .350.22 Unfortunately, however, his life came to an abrupt end in 1947 when he died of a brain tumor diagnosed in 1943.23 Gibson never had the opportunity to see the color barrier broken.24 The 
best black pitcher and possibly the best pitcher ever, was Satchel Paige. Paige invented the hesitation pitch that threw off a batter’s concentration, leading to enormous numbers of strikeouts. Paige became such a master of his game that he began naming his pitches. He had a 42-year career, made $40,000 a year, (at his peak), and was the first Negro League star admitted to the Baseball Hall of Fame.25 “Cool Papa” Bell, the “fastest man to ever play 
professional baseball,”26played for both the Grays and the Crawfords in the 1930s and the 1940s. Bell once stole 175 bases in 200 games; in fact, stealing bases was his specialty and even at age 40 he was physically capable of stealing first base on a sacrifice bunt.27 

The Negro Leagues not only had stars, but there were other highly competent, skilled players who made up their ranks. For example, Clarence Bruce, second baseman for the Homestead Grays, played on the team from 1947-1948. Bruce was born in Homewood, Pennsylvania on September 26, 1924, near the height of black baseball.28 As a teenager in high school, Bruce began playing baseball. However, Bruce, like all African-Americans at that time, was restricted to playing with people of his own race. Bruce loved sports and took part in the popular sandlot ball played around town.29 Clarence Bruce was an energetic, loyal, young man, who joined the Army from 1943-1946.30 After fighting the war for freedom abroad, Bruce returned to New York where he played for the Brooklyn Brown Dodgers in 1946.31 Then, for the next two years, he returned to his hometown to play for the Homestead Grays from 1947- 1948.32 Bruce entered black baseball, however, as it came to an end. He was privileged to play in the last National Negro League World Series against the Birmingham Black Barons in 1948.33 

By 1950, all black teams had disbanded after Jackie Robinson’s admission into the Major Leagues. Bruce, like many other blacks at the time of this event, searched for a way to continue playing the game they loved so much. Therefore, Bruce left for Canada to play for a Canadian League team in Farnum for two years.34 Here, Bruce received better pay and experienced less discrimination, advantages not found in the United States for most black ballplayers at that time.35 

The Pittsburgh Homestead Grays had stars like Josh Gibson and Satchel Paige, and strong back-up players like Clarence Bruce in the 1930s and the 1940s. However, the team suffered from discrimination and performed at a disadvantage during the years of segregation. While the Supreme Court decision in Plessy v. Ferguson had argued that “separate but equal” was constitutional, “separate” has always been “unequal” in the U.S. For the Homestead 
Grays, “separate” meant lower salaries, inconvenient facilities, difficult traveling conditions (especially in the South), inadequate record-keeping and limited profits for the owners. 

Salaries were never equal on white and black teams, and salaries certainly did not reflect the excellence of play. The salary differences between the Homestead Grays and the Pirates were very great in the 1940s. Because of inadequate record keeping, the average salary of black players is unknown. However, Clarence Bruce made about $300 per month, a very good salary for 1948, but far inferior to the average salary paid to the white players in the Major Leagues.36 The average Major League salary in the 1940s ranged from $7,000 in 1942 to $15,000 a year in 1949,37 while the stars made much more. For example, Hank Greenberg of the Pittsburgh Pirates was paid $80,000 in 1947.38 On the other hand, stars on the black teams, like Buck Leonard, were paid $1,000 per month.39 Money was an issue not only for the individual players, but for the whole team as well. In order to survive financially, black teams had to play more games per year than the major league teams. The Negro Leagues played, on average, 180 games per year, including exhibition games and double headers almost every day, whereas the major leagues played about 154 games per season.40 However, Negro League players like Clarence Bruce played ball because they loved it, not because of the money it did or did not offer.41 In fact, black ballplayer Monte Irvin felt “Money was never important because you never missed what you never made.”42 Because of this positive attitude, blacks caught up in the quality of play, but never in the economics.43 

Another major difference between black and white baseball was the facilities. In Pittsburgh, the Grays rented Forbes Field, but because they were black, they were not allowed to use the locker rooms! Therefore, after each game, the hot and sweaty men had to be bused to the YMCA in order to shower,44 an insult that also caused inconvenience. For the Pittsburgh Crawfords, however, their owner, Gus Greenlee, built Greenlee Field, the first ballpark built specifically for blacks.45 This was unusual, though, and the Homestead Grays never had a home field of their own. The Pirates, on the other hand, had a spectacular home field, Forbes, to use at their convenience. Perhaps the worst discrimination the Negro teams faced was while they were traveling. Clarence Bruce, like all the black players at the time, traveled long distances by bus in order to play games all over the East Coast and the South. In the South especially, lodging caused painful embarrassment and endless inconvenience. Black teams were forced to stay in black-owned hotels or in privately owned homes of blacks, and often, players were forced to sleep on their buses. Even finding a meal proved a burden. Frequently, players would go to a restaurant only to be forced to take their food out and eat it on the bus because they were not allowed to eat in the white restaurants.46 “Roadside restaurants would not allow black ballplayers into the dining room. Gas stations closed their restrooms. White hotels would not rent them rooms.”47 

Monte Irvin once told the story of a disheartening encounter with a white woman restaurant owner. Irvin’s team went one day in search of food. Famished, they came to this little restaurant where they inquired if they might be permitted to dine. Much to their dismay, the owner refused to serve black people and rejected them. In desperation, the team asked if they might not have a little water to quench their thirst. Disgusted, the woman said there was a little well out back with a ladle near it, and the players could use that to draw some water themselves if they wished. So, the team went to the backyard and passed around the cup. As they left, Monte turned back only to see the woman smashing the ladle to pieces to get rid of the contaminated container.48 Such behavior was abundant in the South, especially, and was a constant, painful reminder to black players that they were considered “second-class” 
citizens. As one might guess, white teams, on the other hand, did not suffer such indignities and were welcomed wherever they went.
 
The Negro Leagues also suffered from inadequate record keeping. Newspapers like The Courier (a black newspaper in Pittsburgh) often kept records of individual games, but there were very few long-term records and no real score books were kept.49 Where box scores did exist, they “did not carry extra-base hits, stolen bases, or pitching breakdown of strikeouts, walks, innings pitched.…”50 Often “pitchers’ earned-run averages do not exist nor were runs batted in kept.”51 Because of these poor records, Clarence Bruce’s son today can only estimate his father’s batting average at about .270. Even for the most famous black ballplayers, there are incomplete records. “Cool Papa” Bell said, “...I don’t know what my lifetime batting average is. Nobody knows. If I had to guess, I’d say around .340 or .350.”52 Because of inaccurate record keeping, it is difficult to assess the actual accomplishments of black players. Of course, for a team like the Pittsburgh Pirates, detailed statistics exist. One only needs to look at the Pirates Internet home page, for example, to discover who the all-time great batters and home run hitters were.53 
Discrimination affected the profitability of black teams as well. Black teams, like the Grays, had to rent fields when white teams were not playing on them. For example, the Grays were only able to play at Forbes Field when the Pirates were not playing there and this meant that when traveling, they had to schedule many extra exhibition games in order to make enough money to live. Black teams sometimes played as many as four games a day, one in the morning, a double header in the afternoon, and a night game.54 Many fans did come to the Grays’ games, but the cost of admission, if any, was minimal. In the 1940s, it was 40 cents for adults and 25 cents for children.55 Often games were free and a hat was passed to collect donations. The owners didn’t make much money on baseball and probably even lost money. They simply owned the teams for the love of the sport.56 It is very difficult to determine profitability in the Negro Leagues as no records were kept of the revenues.57 

Because of financial hardships, the Negro Leagues often needed money from racketeering to succeed.58 For example, the Crawfords owner, Gus Greenlee, made his money from numbers games, bootleg liquor, and nightclubs during the Depression years.59 Because Greenlee got his money from the numbers game, it was not necessary for his baseball team to be profitable.60 The numbers-financed Crawford team put pressure on the less profitable Grays, and Cum Posey, the Grays’ owner, was also forced to seek out a numbers man, Rufus (“Sonnyman”) Jackson to keep his team afloat.61 But even with this help, the Grays were not profitable and considered moving out of Pittsburgh in 1937 and 1938.62 On the other hand, the Major League owners in the 1940s were wealthy families and while it was profitable for many of them, baseball was considered more an entertainment than a business. The Pirates were the third most profitable franchise in the National Leagues in the 1930s and the 1940s with an average profit of $100,000 per year, though they lost money in 1933.63 

Because discrimination in the United States handicapped black players, many sought opportunities to play baseball in foreign countries such as Canada, the Caribbean and Mexico. Clarence Bruce, for example, went to Canada in 1949 and played in the Canadian Baseball League for the Farnum, Quebec team64 where he received a salary of $450 per month, $150 higher than his Grays salary. Players also went to Canada because there was less discrimination and more freedom.65 For example, black players could eat at any restaurant, sleep at any hotel, and experienced very little prejudice in general.66 Other players found a less oppressive atmosphere in Mexico. Black ballplayer Willie Wells said, “Not only do I get more money playing here, but I live like a king. I’ve found freedom and democracy here, something I never found in the United States…Here in Mexico, I am a man.”67 

During the segregated years of the Negro Leagues, not only did discrimination negatively affect the players themselves, but it cheated the baseball fans as well. “They were denied the opportunity of seeing some of the greatest hitters who ever lived.”68 White newspapers did not widely publicize the Negro League games, and the lack of widespread publicity left white audiences uninformed about the excellence of play in the Negro Leagues. Clarence Bruce noted, “We couldn’t compete. We didn’t have the publicity.”69 Despite the discrimination and hardship black players found in the United States, the Negro Leagues played a very positive role in the black community. These teams brought selfconfidence and pride.70 Clarence Bruce said that in the Negro Leagues the players felt proud and walked with their heads held high and the white fans respected them.71 The Negro Leagues provided important role models for young black men during the 1930s and 1940s and they also created job opportunities for talented black athletes. Furthermore, the Negro Leagues created management and ownership opportunities for black entrepreneurs72 like Gus Greenlee and Cum Posey. Gus Greenlee invested his numbers money back into the black community through the purchase of the Crawfords. Although some have argued that black players were robbed “not only of proper salaries and recognition but of their dignity by being reminded through their segregated play that they were somehow not worthy to play against whites,”73 actually, black baseball fostered pride in the players and their 
community. In fact, during the off-season, black and white teams played exhibition games on tour in many cities all over the country. Of these games, blacks won 309 and whites won 129.74 These games let black ballplayers show off their talents and prove themselves to white audiences as players just as good or better than the white players. 

In the 1940s, players like Clarence Bruce and his teammates on the Homestead Grays proved that the best baseball in Pittsburgh was played in the Negro Leagues. Their competition at that time, the Pittsburgh Pirates, did not have “many stars as the Pirates remained mired near the bottom” in the 1940s.75 Granddaughter of the Grays’ manager Cum Posey, Odile Posey Stribling said of the Grays, “I do believe in all sincerity that the Pirates couldn’t have played us in those days.”76 In fact, Clarence Bruce said that in 1948 the Pirates cancelled a scheduled game against the Grays after seeing them play and defeat the New York Black Yankees. Some have suggested that the Pirates cancelled because they didn’t want to share the spotlight with the Grays, or the Pirates were afraid of losing!77 The level of play in the Negro Leagues was so high that even the average player for the Crawfords could have been in the high Minor Leagues if given the chance during those years.78 The excellence of play created feelings of pride in the 
African-American community in Pittsburgh. 

During the war years, Americans became increasingly aware of the inconsistency of their segregated culture. “Here we’re fighting a war against Hitler for democracy, but we’re not practicing it at home.”79 African-Americans fought patriotically and bravely against Germany in Europe and against Japan in Asia. In 1941 “African-American pickets appeared at Yankee Stadium with signs reading, ‘If we are able to stop bullets, why not balls?’”80 Such circumstances ultimately led to Jackie Robinson’s integration into the Major Leagues in 1947. Pittsburgh’s black newspaper, The Courier, noted that Jackie Robinson “struck a smashing blow at big league hypocrisy.”81 

African-American players had mixed feelings about integration in the Major Leagues. While they were obviously proud of Robinson and hopeful for the future, Grays’ player, Willie Pope, commented that after [white manager Branch Rickey took the risk to break the color barrier and sign] Jackie Robinson for the Brooklyn Dodgers, “Our crowds started dropping off. Everybody wanted to see Jackie Robinson.”82 In some ways, Robinson’s acceptance into the Major Leagues did not have a positive effect on other black teams. In fact, with the integration of the Major Leagues in April 1947, black baseball dissolved and the National Negro League stopped altogether at the end of the 1948 season.83 Many black players expressed the feeling that integration did not help them very much. Willie Pope said, “We didn’t appreciate the Negro League breaking up. It was progress—for a few.”84 After integration, most Negro League players became “Forgotten men.”85 Unable to join the major leagues, many of them, like Clarence Bruce, went to Canada or to the Caribbean to play ball. Many got jobs such as scouts, but most found work in factories, as security guards, or as postal workers. Later, some found jobs as coaches or sports instructors.86 

The integration of baseball occurred not by law, but by practice. A long civil rights struggle, however, was needed to 
abolish other segregated institutions and facilities. Brown v. Board of Education (1954) ended segregation in the schools with the Supreme Court declaring the Plessy v. Ferguson doctrine of “separate but equal” to be unconstitutional.87 In the 1960s, the civil rights movement culminated in the Civil Rights Act of 1964 that “outlawed discrimination in employment...Another section barred discrimination in public accommodations.”88 Today, African-Americans are guaranteed by law the same rights as whites and other ethnic groups in the United States. 

The excellence of play, the love of baseball, the discipline and pride evident in Clarence Bruce, in the Homestead Grays, and in the Negro Leagues, amidst the hardships and pain of segregation, set the standard for the excellent black athletes of today. Baseball has always been the common American experience, the “bridge among strangers”89 and today it is more truly such a bridge with fully integrated teams, and black and white fans who can enjoy the most outstanding players of both races. 
 
 
 
1 James A. Henretta, et al., America’s History 3rd ed. (New York: Worth Publishers, 1977) p. 634 
2 William Brashler, The Story of Negro League Baseball (New York: Ticknor & Fields, 1994) p. 8 
3 Henretta, p. 634 
4 Ibid., p. 634 
5 Brashler, p. 10 
6 Ibid., p. 20 
7 Henretta, p. 607 
8 Telephone Interview, Rob Ruck, 25 February 1999 
9 Rob Ruck, Sandlot Season (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1987) p. 115 
10 Brashler, p. 18 
11 Tom Weir, “20th Century: This Day in Sports,” USA Today 
11 March 1999: C3 
12 Brashler, p. 15 
13 Ibid., p. 22 
14 Ruck, p. 45 
15 Ibid., p. 125 
16 Ibid., p. 130 
17 Ibid., p. 130 
18 Ibid., p. 130 
19 Geoffrey C. Ward and Ken Burns, Baseball (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1994) p. 198 
20 Kings on the Hill Film, Dir. Molly Youngling, Prod. Rob Ruck and Molly Youngling (San Pedro Productions, Ltd., 1993) 
21 Ibid. 
22 Donald Dewey and Nicholas Acocella, The Biographical History of Baseball (New York: Carroll & Graf Publishers, Inc., 1995) p. 169 
23 Ibid., p. 170 
24 Ibid., p. 170 
25 Ibid., pp. 351-352 
26 Ibid., p. 29 
27 Ibid., p. 29 
28 Clarence Bruce Obituary, Observer-Reporter 25 January 1990 
29 Clarence Bruce Interview, “Interview of Clarence with the Japanese” 1989 (no publisher given) 
30 Ibid. 
31 Ibid. 
32 Ibid. 
33 Ibid. 
34 Ibid. 
35 C. Bruce Obituary 
36 C. Bruce Interview 
37 Jonathan Fraser Light, A Cultural Encyclopedia of Baseball (North Carolina: McFarland and Co., 1997) p. 639 
38 John McCollister, The Bucs! The Story of the Pittsburgh Pirates (Lenexa, Kansas: Addax Publishing Group, 1998) p. 131 
39 C. Bruce Interview 
40 Ibid. 
41 Ibid. 
42 Kings 
43 Ruck, p. 108 
44 Brashler, p. 50 
45 Ibid., p. 50 
46 C. Bruce Interview 
47 Ward and Burns, p. 220 
48 Brashler, p. 58 
49 C. Bruce Interview 
50 Jeanine Bucek, “Negro Leagues Register,” The Baseball Encyclopedia 10th ed. (New York: MacMillan, 1969) p. 2768 
51 Ibid., p. 3767 
52 Donald Honig, A Donald Honig Reader (New York: Simon & Schuster, Inc., 1988) p. 132 
53 Pittsburgh Pirates Home Page 1 May 1998: 12pp. [Online] http://www.fsu.edu/~crimdo/pirates.html. 23 February 1999 
54 Ward and Burns, p. 219 
55 Kings 
56 C. Bruce Interview 
57 Ruck Interview 
58 Ibid. 
59 Ruck, p. 137 
60 Ibid., pp. 170-171 
61 Ibid., p. 171 
62 Ibid., pp. 172-173 
63 Ruck Interview 
64 “Clarence Bruce Obituary” 
65 David Craft, The Negro Leagues (New York: Crescent Books, 1993) p. 69 
66 Ibid., p. 69 
67 Ward and Burns, p. 223 
68 Ted Williams and Jim Prime, Ted Williams’ Hit List (Toronto: Masters Press, 1996) p. 163 
69 Phil Axelrod, “After 40 years, Grays’ flag flies high,” Pittsburgh Post Gazette 7 September 1988 
70 Kings 
71 C. Bruce Interview 
72 Kings 
73 Ward and Burns, p. 413 
74 Ibid., p. 198 
75 Pittsburgh Pirates Home Page 
76 Kings 
77 C. Bruce Interview 
78 Kings 
79 Ibid. 
80 Ward and Burns, p. 282 
81 “Color Line Is No More…” The Courier 7 June 1947 
82 Axelrod 
83 Ruck, p. 181 
84 Axelrod 
85 Kings 
86 Brashler, pp. 144-145 
87 Ward and Burns, p. 338 
88 Henretta, p. 939 
89 Ibid., p. 635 

WORKS CITED
Axelrod, Phil, “After 40 years, Grays’ flag flies high,” Pittsburgh Post Gazette 7 September 1988 
 
Bruce, Clarence, Interview, “Interview of Clarence with the Japanese,” 1989 (no publisher cited) 
 
Bruce, Kirk, Telephone interview, 23 February 1999 
 
Brashler, William, The Story of Negro League Baseball New York: Ticknor & Fields, 1994 
 
Bucek, Jeanine, “Negro Leagues Register,” The Baseball Encyclopedia 10th ed., New York: MacMillan, 1969 
 
Clarence Bruce Obituary, Observer-Reporter 25 January 1990 
 
“Color Line Is No More...” The Courier 7 June 1947 
 
Craft, David, The Negro Leagues New York: Crescent Books, 1993 
 
Dewey, Donald and Nicholas Acocella, The Biographical History of Baseball New York: Carroll & Graf Publishers, Inc., 1995 
 
Henretta, James A., et al., America’s History 3rd ed., New York: Worth Publishers, 1997 
 
Honig, Donald, A Donald Honig Reader New York: Simon & Schuster, Inc., 1988 
 
Kings on the Hill Dir. Molly Youngling, Prod. Rob Ruck and Molly Youngling, San Pedro Production, Ltd., 1993 
 
Light, Jonathan Fraser, A Cultural Encyclopedia of Baseball North Carolina: McFarland and Co., 1997 
 
McCollister, John The Bucs! The Story of the Pittsburgh Pirates Lenexa, Kansas: Addax Publishing Group, 1998 
 
Pittsburgh Pirates Home Page 1 May 1998: 12pp. [Online] Available: http://www.fsu.edu/~crimdo/pirates.html, 23 Feb. 1999 
 
Ruck, Rob, Sandlot Seasons Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1987 
 
Ruck, Rob, Telephone interview, 25 February 1999 
 
Ward, Geoffrey C. and Ken Burns, Baseball New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1994 
 
Weir, Tom, “20th Century: This Day in Sports,” USA Today 11 March 1999: C3 
 
Williams, Ted and Jim Prime, Ted Williams’ Hit List Toronto: Masters Press, 1996 
 
 
© 1999, The Concord Review, Inc. (all rights reserved)
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